Intersectionalism operates much like anti-Semitism in that heterosexual ethnic European males are considered the height of all that is and has been wrong in the world. The Western straight white male is the obsessive never-shifting focus that is relentlessly stalked. Reading the Twitter feeds of some women in SFF is an exercise in non-stop rants against white men. When it comes to intersectionalism, anything that is too white, too straight and too male is not only automatically granted the status of an institution, but an ideology, by innocent demographic alone. To an intersectionalist, ten straight white men in a room represents a purposeful de facto racial and sexual grouping that is set against women, PoC and gays and must undergo diversity. The reason intersectionalism is not seen the same way as anti-Semitism is that it purposefully allows itself to be confused with equal rights feminism, an anti-oppression movement based on real historic legal discrimination. That is why anti-Semites like to hide within anti-Zionism as well.
When you consider that intersectionalists probably account for near statistical zero of all women in the U.S., the way they've mainstreamed their hate-speech and paranoia into mainstream America must be considered a remarkable achievement, although stealing from the already laid groundwork of legitimate feminists, gay and civil rights activists has played its part in magnifying that achievement and clearing the way for intersectionalist rancor. That is intersectionalism's great strength: it operates within a false flag of an anti-oppression movement, hiding within a liberalism where the biggest victim is allowed the biggest voice and most credibility. But in fact intersectionalism does not believe in racial or sexual equality and says as much straight out; it is racist, sexist and supremacist to its very core. The only real oppression intersectionalism experiences is the oppression of the reality of the failure of its own ideology. Rhetoric that might in retrospect at times seem indistinguishable with modern intersectionalism has been .
Generally speaking, intersectionalism sees the success of a proper group as indigenous, deserved, and protected. The success of an improper group is seen as hijacked, lucky, generic and up for grabs. That's how mid-century American SF becomes a literature for the world and African literature invoked by the West becomes theft, cultural appropriation. PC itself hijacks and appropriates legitimate anti-oppression movements and narratives. PC is bigotry turned on its head and put at the service of social justice as anti-racism, anti-sexism, anti-homophobia. But then, when has institutional bigotry ever not claimed justice for itself?
I agree with the importance of learning from the experience ofall groups, especially those who have been silenced by oppressionand exclusion and by the effects of ideologies that mystify theiractual conditions of existence. To learn how people describe theirunderstanding of their lives is very illuminating, for "ideas arethe conscious expression -- real or illusory -- of (our) actualrelations and activities" (Marx, 1994: 111), because "socialexistence determines consciousness" (Marx, 1994: 211). Given thatour existence is shaped by the capitalist mode of production, experience, to be fully understood in its broader social andpolitical implications, has to be situated in the context of thecapitalist forces and relations that produce it. Experience initself, however, is suspect because, dialectically, it is a unityof opposites; it is, at the same time, unique, personal, insightfuland revealing and, at the same time, thoroughly social, partial,mystifying, itself the product of historical forces about whichindividuals may know little or nothing about (for a criticalassessment of experience as a source of knowledge see SherryGorelick, "Contradictions of feminist methodology," in Chow, Wilkinson, and Baca Zinn, 1996; applicable to the role ofexperience in contemporary RGC and feminist research is Jacoby'scritique of the 1960s politics of subjectivity: Jacoby, 1973: 37-49). Given the emancipatory goals of the RGC perspective, it isthrough the analytical tools of Marxist theory that it can moveforward, beyond the impasse revealed by the constant reiteration ofvariations on the "interlocking" metaphor. This would require,however, a) a rethinking and modification of the postulatedrelationships between race, class and gender, and b) areconsideration of the notion that, because everyone is located atthe intersection of these structures, all social relations andinteractions are "raced," "classed," and "gendered."
Racial Oppression And Tragedy English Literature ..
In the RGC perspective, race, gender and class are presentedas equivalent systems of oppression with extremely negativeconsequences for the oppressed. It is also asserted that thetheorization of the connections between these systems require "aworking hypothesis of equivalency" (Collins, 1997:74). Whether ornot it is possible to view class as just another system ofoppression depends on the theoretical framework within class isdefined. If defined within the traditional sociology ofstratification perspective, in terms of a gradation perspective,class refers simply to strata or population aggregates ranked onthe basis of standard SES indicators (income, occupation, andeducation) (for an excellent discussion of the difference betweengradational and relational concepts of class, see Ossowski, 1963). Class in this non-relational, descriptive sense has no claims tobeing more fundamental than gender or racial oppression; it simplyrefers to the set of individual attributes that place individualswithin an aggregate or strata arbitrarily defined by the researcher(i.e., depending on their data and research purposes, anywhere fromthree or four to twelve "classes" can be identified).
Racism and oppression essays - LluisShoes&Co
"It is time we developed a more cogent and relevant psychology and philosophy of power relationships not yet considered in our institutional politics. It is time we gave attention to defining a theory of politics which treats of power relationships on the less formal than establishmentarian grounds of personal intercourse between members of well defined and coherent groups – races, castes, classes and sexes. It is precisely because such groups have no representation in formal political structures that their oppression is so entire and so continuous." – gay radical feminist Kate Millet's essay titled Sexual Politics, 1968, published prior to her book of the same name.
racism and oppression | Thinking Girl
There are a few ways to help young people understand oppression and protect them from its effects. First, it helps to explain to children about how and why oppression works so they have a framework for understanding it. This can help a young person make sense of the mistreatment they experience or witness, rather than blaming themselves or others in their own group for it. For example, if you give African-American children a history of slavery in the U.S., they will be able to make more sense of why racism operates today.